Asian Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences

Nowadays, property management with Blockchain functionalities is a state-of-the-art topic. In particular in Europe, the real (land) property law is based upon two country-oriented concepts: “(compulsory) expropriation” and “due compensation” as they projected to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). This paper after reviewing the compulsory expropriation of real property and the relative due compensation procedures in Greece, discusses: (a) legal cases before the Greek courts regarding violations and adaptations of the ECHR; and (b) real property management issues with Blockchain functionalities in a distributed ledger environment. For this purpose, after introducing the compulsory expropriation procedure in Greece, a number of properly formulated questions are discussed, reviewed, answered, and projected both to ECHR and to upcoming Blockchain era.

Bangladesh is a most densely populated nation, with a population density of 1134 population per square kilometer [1]. Bangladesh has to face different types of problem and crisis for limited resources and unlimited wants of the increased population. Despite of being concerned about the present situation, the fertility rate is now at 2.4 children born per women [2]. The objective of the study is to estimate the socio-economic factors responsible for the Number of Child Preference in the Ethnic Community in Bangladesh. The study analyzed a total of 113 (82 Manipuri & 31 Khasia) respondents from Manipuri and Khasia community purposively selected from Sylhet district. The information was recorded in a pre-structured questionnaire. Bi-variate distribution i.e. chi-square test and multinomial logistic regression model were fitted to determine the influencing factors responsible for the Number of Child Preference in the Ethnic Community. Educational Status, Head of the Family, Contraceptive Use, and Family Planning Decision were found correlated with the dependent variable i.e. Number of Child Preference. All of the illiterate respondents were interested in having more than 1 child while only 7.84% literate respondents were interested in having 1 child. The family which was run by mutual understanding between male and female was more interested in 1 child (8.33%) than the Male dominated family (5.88%). No one was interested in having 4 or more children from the family which was run by both male and female. Those who used contraceptive, 13.33% of them were interested in 1 child while only 2.94% of the respondents who didn’t use contraceptive were interested in 1 child. The preference for 4 or more children was less among the respondents who used contraceptive (2.22%) than who didn’t use contraceptive (4.41%). If the family planning decision was taken by female, they would prefer 4 or more children for their family while male would prefer 2 children. If the family planning decision was taken by mutual consideration of male and female, 78.70% would prefer 2 children followed by 11.11% of 3 children, 7.41% of 1 child, and 2.78% of 4 or more children. Contraceptive Use was found only the predictors of the Number of Child Preference in the Ethnic community. Finally, this study suggested that government can take a strong initiative for the provision of contraceptive use and educational facilities to control the family size of the Ethnic community.

Background: Bangladesh has reduced the neonatal mortality rate from 52 to 28 per 1,000 live births during 1993 -2014 to achieve the target of Millennium Development Goal -4 by 2015. Though, Bangladesh couldn’t reach the target, its achievement is appreciable. But, it still remains a challenge for Bangladesh. For that knowing the causes of it and taking necessary steps for improving neonatal health situation in Bangladesh has become essential. And so, in this article it is tried to present, analyse and inter-relate recent data in such a way that the barriers could be identified easily for taking future steps.

Main Text: This manuscript is prepared considering three objectives: to present the neonatal health situation of Bangladesh on the basis of contemporary data, to compare the situation of Bangladesh with other South Asian countries and to identify some scopes for improving the neonatal health situation of Bangladesh. A rigorous literature review has been done as a main method of data collection from some renowned journals and research reports of different nation al and international health organisations published from 2001 to May 2018 and tables and graphs were made according to the objectives. The data analysis explores that, the neonatal mortality in Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan are respectively 46, 36, 28, 23, 22 and 18, whereas Maldives and Sri Lanka has only 5 neonatal deaths per 1,000 live births in 2015, which is a great difference. Again, premature birth is high in India, Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh. In case of Bangladesh, the mothers’ from lowest to middle wealth quintile, the neonatal mortality rate is high than highest wealth quintile in Bangladesh where the neonatal mortality rate is nearly twice which should be a matter of great concern for Bangladesh. Besides, for some cases, neonatal health situation of Bangladesh at the national level remains in a struggling situation to improve like Sri-Lanka because of the rural area backwardness, for examples postnatal care, essential newborn care, perinatal mortality, tetanus toxoid vaccination, and for some case, all countries, except Maldives and Sri Lanka, in South Asia have shown lower participation, take an example of postnatal care for newborns.

Conclusion: Among the South Asian countries, the condition of neonatal health is not sophisticated. Many countries are still showing a poor condition in various indicators of neonatal health and need to improve more. So, this paper will be very supportive for the neonatal health researchers, medical anthropologist, medical practitioners for further studies and specifically for the health-policy makers and corresponding authorities to take necessary actions for overcoming the obstacles of improving neonatal health situation in South Asian countries as well as Bangladesh.

Force displacement is a daunting challenge facing the international community as a result of armed conflicts, insurgency and communal tension. In the same vein, Nigeria has been experiencing the problem of internal displacement as a result of the Boko Haram insurgency.  More than two million Nigerians have been internally displaced as a result of Boko Haram insurgency that has been bedeviling the country since 2009.  Internally displaced persons differ from refugees, though they have similar characteristics. The sources of displacement of refugees and IDPs may be the same and requires equal treatment. However, IDPs have been excluded under the protection of international refugee law. This is because IDPs do not cross international borders and therefore they should be under the protection of their national governments. Sometimes the national authorities are behind the reasons for their displacement or unable to protect them. This is one of the reasons IDPs have been experiencing neglect and inadequate protection. Accordingly, Nigerian IDPs have not been adequately protected, as there is no national or international legal frameworks that are directly addressed the plight of Nigerian IDPs. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to critically assess the efficacy of the domestic and international legal frameworks on internal displacement in Nigeria.  The study has adopted the use of secondary data extracted from the journals, articles, books, magazines, newspapers and reports. It employs descriptive method of data analysis. The finding is that Nigerian policy on IDPs is not effective as it has not been domesticated or implemented.

Ghana’s return to constitutional rule in 1992 has been beset with the practice of Winner-Takes-All politics which has become a worrying phenomenon for the citizens and policy makers. The main aim of this paper was to examine the effects of WTA Politics on Ghana’s drive to democratic maturity. In an attempt to fulfil the aim of the paper, documentary analysis was used as the methodology and secondary sources of data were collected through journal articles, books and online materials. The study revealed that WTA originated from the United States when President Jackson decided that the merit system only favored the few educated elites. In Ghana, WTA can be traced through the British Colonial administration which excluded the indigenes from the administration of the colony. Ideological differences, desire to kill opposition parties, mistrust and desire to stay in power for long were identified as the causes of WTA politics. The paper also found divisiveness, erosion of real democracy, deliberate wastage of human resources, and the excessive powers of the executive as the effects of WTA politics affecting Ghana’s democratic consolidation. The paper finally recommends a constitutional review to limit the powers of the president and also proscribe WTA politics.